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<v Speaker 1>Hey, their dear listener. It's Marie Noo Hossan and today

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<v Speaker 1>we're sharing with you episode two of the Network. It's

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<v Speaker 1>a new series that Latino USA co produced with NPR's

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<v Speaker 1>Embedded podcast. Now, if you haven't listened to the first episode,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, I recommend that you do that first. Check

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<v Speaker 1>it out on the embedded feed or listen to last

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<v Speaker 1>week's Latino USA podcast. In the first episode, Latino USA

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<v Speaker 1>producers Marta Martinez and Victoria Estrada traveled to Brazil in

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<v Speaker 1>order to trace the roots of an unexpected discovery, an

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<v Speaker 1>ulcer pill that could be used to have safe abortions

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<v Speaker 1>without a doctor. A network of Brazilian women started whispering

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<v Speaker 1>about that pill, Cytotech. It's the commercial name of Miso Prosto,

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<v Speaker 1>which is also known as Miso. But that's not where

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<v Speaker 1>the story ends, because soon word of that discovery would

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<v Speaker 1>cross borders, and it brought the network into a new

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<v Speaker 1>era in which women were using new tactics to get

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<v Speaker 1>the word out and they started working on a much

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<v Speaker 1>larger scale. Mittoria and Martha are going to take it

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<v Speaker 1>from here. This is episode two of the network.

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<v Speaker 2>Saintotech. That was the name that some Brazilian doctors started

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<v Speaker 2>calling sidetech in the nineteen eighties because far fewer women

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<v Speaker 2>were dying from abortion complications thanks to this ulcer pill,

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<v Speaker 2>but not everyone was ready to canonize it. During the nineties,

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<v Speaker 2>the Brazilian government cracked down on side attack the commercial

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<v Speaker 2>name of misoprostol, or Misto for short. Eventually, the government

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<v Speaker 2>banned the medication and labeled it a controlled substance, which

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<v Speaker 2>meant miso had restrictions similar to what dangerous drugs like

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<v Speaker 2>fentanyl now have, and conditions got harsh for women who

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<v Speaker 2>had abortions. The government targeted them more and more arrested them.

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<v Speaker 2>In charge is distributing me so and what prosecutors called

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<v Speaker 2>self induced abortion.

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<v Speaker 3>Oh my fashion.

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<v Speaker 4>A cleaning lady has been arrested. She suspected of having

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<v Speaker 4>a clandestine abortion.

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<v Speaker 5>But despite official attempts to control me so, the secret

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<v Speaker 5>was out Reproactive health workers in Latin America heard about

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<v Speaker 5>the pill when they traveled. Some people got some from Columbia,

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<v Speaker 5>and then some people got some from Brazil from a

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<v Speaker 5>Peruvian city in the Amazon jungle. And she said, here

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<v Speaker 5>we use a bill, And I said, what bill is that?

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<v Speaker 5>Two huge feminist gatherings across Latin America called quintros, where

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<v Speaker 5>women chatted about it in the hallways.

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<v Speaker 3>We were in a group talking and they said.

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<v Speaker 6>Look, we've been using Cytottech and it's working well.

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<v Speaker 5>Part of the pill was moving out of Brazil to

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<v Speaker 5>countries where abortion was also mostly banned and deeply stigmatized.

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<v Speaker 1>And so we were just like, well, well, how do

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<v Speaker 1>we use.

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<v Speaker 2>This activists who are getting their hands on me? So

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<v Speaker 2>saw its potential widespread access to safe abortions, but to

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<v Speaker 2>make that happen, they needed to get organized, which sparked

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<v Speaker 2>a whole new set of questions.

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<v Speaker 5>How could they talk about something that had been almost unspeakable,

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<v Speaker 5>and even if they did, was talking enough. This episode,

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<v Speaker 5>we're going to Ecuador, Argentina, and Mexico, all places where

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<v Speaker 5>the women who make up this diffuse network took on

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<v Speaker 5>these questions, teaming up, challenging each other, sometimes even breaking

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<v Speaker 5>the law to change it. I'm Marta MARTINEV, I'm Victoria Estrada,

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<v Speaker 5>and this is the network A serious about the diy

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<v Speaker 5>me that took safe abortions out of the clinic and

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<v Speaker 5>the women who made it happen.

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<v Speaker 2>Episode two, Breaking Bread the activist in Latin America who

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<v Speaker 2>knew about Miso had a problem. Abortion was highly criminalized,

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<v Speaker 2>it was stigmatized. How could they get women access to

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<v Speaker 2>something illegal, something that was shrouded in shame.

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<v Speaker 5>The obvious option was to keep the conversation and their

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<v Speaker 5>actions hidden, whispering sister to sister, and that's basically what

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<v Speaker 5>happened for more than a decade.

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<v Speaker 2>But in two thousand and eight, activists in Latin America

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<v Speaker 2>took a totally different tack. In the middle of Quito, Ecuador,

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<v Speaker 2>there's a statue of a virgin lavir ghindl Panicido. She's

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<v Speaker 2>slightly taller than Rio di Janeto's famous Christ the Redeemer.

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<v Speaker 2>She has wings spread out like an angel. One day,

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<v Speaker 2>a group of women decided to pull a stunt. They

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<v Speaker 2>were a mix of Ecuadorian activists and activists from Women

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<v Speaker 2>on Waves, an abortion axis organization based in the Netherlands.

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<v Speaker 2>They plotted how to get to the statue's balcony without

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<v Speaker 2>attracting attention.

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<v Speaker 3>There are two guards there, so we need some beautiful

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<v Speaker 3>blonze to distract them.

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<v Speaker 2>A twenty fourteen documentary called Vessel recorded their efforts.

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<v Speaker 3>We are occupying the Virgin let a lot of women.

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<v Speaker 2>They hung a big white banner on the balcony of

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<v Speaker 2>the Virgin Statue. The banner said safe abortion with a

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<v Speaker 2>phone number. That number was for the first abortion hotline

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<v Speaker 2>in Latin America. The documentary shows them getting nearly eighty

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<v Speaker 2>calls within the first few hours.

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<v Speaker 6>Hello saloons.

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<v Speaker 2>This idea for a hotline and the stunt promoting it

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<v Speaker 2>through the Latin American network into a new, more public era.

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<v Speaker 2>They reached thousands of women this way. Their work was bold,

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<v Speaker 2>it was organized, and maybe most importantly, it was replicable.

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<v Speaker 2>Women in other countries had been watching what happened in Ecuador,

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<v Speaker 2>and a.

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<v Speaker 5>Year later Argentina started its own hotline, and so initial.

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<v Speaker 4>In the beginning, the hot line was so bare bones

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<v Speaker 4>the view of the We had a small backpack with

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<v Speaker 4>the Nokia eleven hundred.

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<v Speaker 5>Militian and notebooks and.

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<v Speaker 4>Flash cards and a process we had built rigorously.

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<v Speaker 5>This is Anamins, one of the first volunteers of the

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<v Speaker 5>Argentinian helpline. She was part of the collective Lesbians and

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<v Speaker 5>Feminists for Abortion Decriminalization. She and I talked in her

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<v Speaker 5>living room in Buenos Aires, with her cat sitting on

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<v Speaker 5>her lap. It was starting to face. She told me

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<v Speaker 5>that when they started the helpline in the summer of

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<v Speaker 5>two thousand and nine, they were just a dozen volunteers.

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<v Speaker 5>They didn't climb a statue. Instead, they put up posters

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<v Speaker 5>and stickers all over Buenos Aires. They were on TV

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<v Speaker 5>where they shared their phone number AKINCE, and they had

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<v Speaker 5>a weekly radio show on the channel Agent. Pretty Soon

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<v Speaker 5>the helpline was flooded with calls.

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<v Speaker 4>Demand was four more. It was always for a lot more.

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<v Speaker 5>Volunteers gave callers step by step information on how to

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<v Speaker 5>self manage an abortion.

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<v Speaker 2>With MISO and Argentina, no one had ever done what

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<v Speaker 2>this collective was doing, speaking so openly about abortions and

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<v Speaker 2>how to do it on your own. Not everyone was

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<v Speaker 2>happy about it.

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<v Speaker 5>I said, do we have to do this so public?

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<v Speaker 5>You are nuts.

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<v Speaker 2>This is Mariana Romero, the executive director of STATIS, the

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<v Speaker 2>Center for State and Society Studies. She's a prominent reproductive

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<v Speaker 2>health researcher and advocate for abortion rights in Argentina. Marianna

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<v Speaker 2>and other feminists worried that the helpline could inadvertently reduce

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<v Speaker 2>access to me.

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<v Speaker 6>So you are going to make the pharmaceutical company that

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<v Speaker 6>produced mysoposal take it out of that market.

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<v Speaker 2>That wasn't the only risk of their work. The helpline

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<v Speaker 2>was operating in uncharted territory since abortion was mostly banned.

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<v Speaker 2>The volunteers worried any work they did on abortion could

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<v Speaker 2>put them or the women they helped in jail. But

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<v Speaker 2>as the years passed, no helpline volunteers were ever arrested.

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<v Speaker 5>And so they got more provocative with the way they

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<v Speaker 5>talked about abortion. A year after launching the helpline, they

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<v Speaker 5>printed a manual explaining how to self manage an abortion

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<v Speaker 5>by taking miso without a doctor. It's thorough, more than

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<v Speaker 5>one hundred pages long. The cover is all pink, with

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<v Speaker 5>two big rainbows and a bunch of bills with smiley

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<v Speaker 5>faces and on the back.

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<v Speaker 4>On the back, I had a picture of a Barbie

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<v Speaker 4>and a huge rainbow.

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<v Speaker 5>She's in a pink convertible with sunglasses and a glamorous

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<v Speaker 5>scarf over her head.

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<v Speaker 4>And in a fun fun it said Barbie had to go.

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<v Speaker 4>It was awesome, Barbie said.

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<v Speaker 5>Anna says women were hungry for this information.

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<v Speaker 4>It was a best seller. I had two printings of

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<v Speaker 4>ten thousand copies each.

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<v Speaker 5>Anna like a lot of the early helpline volunteers is

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<v Speaker 5>a lesbian. She saw echoes of her own experience in

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<v Speaker 5>the shame and stigma that women faced when they wanted

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<v Speaker 5>an abortion. She says the helpline and the manual were

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<v Speaker 5>driven by a lesbian philosophy.

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<v Speaker 4>The now closet, refusing to be in the closet no

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<v Speaker 4>stigma of getting out there and saying yes, we're.

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<v Speaker 5>Here, being public was one pillar of the helpline strategy.

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<v Speaker 5>The other was relying on science. Both the manual and

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<v Speaker 5>the script that the helpline volunteers used were based on

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<v Speaker 5>scientific research.

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<v Speaker 2>Starting in the nineties, researchers from around the world had

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<v Speaker 2>taken an interest in what Latin American activists had been doing.

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<v Speaker 2>They ran studies on women taking miso to end their

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<v Speaker 2>pregnancies in places all over the globe, from Africa to

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<v Speaker 2>Southeast Asia. Sometimes researchers worked in partnership with the activist.

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<v Speaker 2>Over and over. They found that using miso in this

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<v Speaker 2>way was safe and effective, and they developed best practices

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<v Speaker 2>for it. Their research led the World Health Organization to

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<v Speaker 2>add miso to its Essential Medicines list in two thousand

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<v Speaker 2>and five. Helpline volunteers cited this body of research on

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<v Speaker 2>their calls, and it gave them credibility. By the twenty tens,

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<v Speaker 2>the helpline and the manual were disseminating all that scientific

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<v Speaker 2>information to tens of thousands of women in Argentina.

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<v Speaker 5>Anna herself was able to help thousands of women through

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<v Speaker 5>the helpline, but sometimes as she spoke to women, Anna

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<v Speaker 5>wanted to stay in touch.

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<v Speaker 4>If a specific story affected me and made me anxious

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<v Speaker 4>and I wanted to stay involved, a colleague would say, no, no,

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<v Speaker 4>it's not your role. We didn't have the capacity, and

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<v Speaker 4>in political terms, that wasn't our project.

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<v Speaker 2>But other activists were concerned. They were aware of all

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<v Speaker 2>the hype around abortion health lines, but skeptical about the approach.

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<v Speaker 3>How do you know for sure that those women are

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<v Speaker 3>not at risk? You gave them information and then what no.

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<v Speaker 5>Less concilio.

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<v Speaker 3>Did she get appeals or didn't she? Did she end

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<v Speaker 3>up in the hospital? Did she do something wrong? You

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<v Speaker 3>actually don't know anything.

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<v Speaker 2>This is Veronica Cruz who goes by Verto. She's an

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<v Speaker 2>activist in Mexico doing something completely different than the helplines,

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<v Speaker 2>something that would push the envelope much further. After the break,

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<v Speaker 2>we follow Vetro to Mexico.

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<v Speaker 5>The helplines, the Barbie manual. All of it was aimed

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<v Speaker 5>at spreading the word about Miso and changing how people

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<v Speaker 5>were talking about abortion.

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<v Speaker 2>But Veronica, who you heard for the break and who

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<v Speaker 2>goes vi Vero didn't think spreading information was enough. She

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<v Speaker 2>used a different strategy in the feminist collective she started

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<v Speaker 2>in Mexico. The collective is called Las Libres, which means

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<v Speaker 2>the free.

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<v Speaker 7>Las libres is maybe de la compagna Minto's maybe deloiquatro

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<v Speaker 7>cie Las.

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<v Speaker 3>Libres is my life. A companiamentto is my life. I

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<v Speaker 3>can do it twenty four to seven.

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<v Speaker 2>A companiamento. That's the name of her approach.

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<v Speaker 5>Usually people translate a companiamento as accompaniment. It's not a

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<v Speaker 5>word you use in English very often, but in Spanish

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<v Speaker 5>you hear it all the time. It can mean being

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<v Speaker 5>with someone but also supporting them or just keeping them company.

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<v Speaker 2>I love the root of the word, which comes from

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<v Speaker 2>Latin companies. It means the people you break bread with,

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<v Speaker 2>your companions, the people you trust.

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<v Speaker 5>And for abortion, it's come to mean being there during

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<v Speaker 5>the whole process, from beginning to end, regardless of the legal.

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<v Speaker 2>Risks based on our reporting. Veto's collective Las Liveres, was

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<v Speaker 2>the first group in Latin America and possibly the world,

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<v Speaker 2>to start doing accompanimento with miso why not Positions? I

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<v Speaker 2>visited Veto last fall at the Las Liveres office in Juanajuato,

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<v Speaker 2>a city in central Mexico. Wow, stovill la vista. Their

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<v Speaker 2>office is more homey than corporate. It's in a three

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<v Speaker 2>story house that's nestled into the hills.

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<v Speaker 5>Akisi Yea.

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<v Speaker 2>Veto founded lasire Is nearly a decade before any of

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<v Speaker 2>the helplines started. At the time, abortion in Mexico was

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<v Speaker 2>essentially banned in the state where Veto lives. The only

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<v Speaker 2>exception was for women who were raped, but even in

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<v Speaker 2>those cases, hospitals often denied women the right to the procedure.

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<v Speaker 2>So Vedo was working with a Gayna college is to

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<v Speaker 2>help women who'd been raped get legal abortions, and in

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<v Speaker 2>two thousand, this doctor, like a growing number of doctors

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<v Speaker 2>around the world, started to use miso for abortions. Veto

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<v Speaker 2>remembers the first time she saw the doctor give a

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<v Speaker 2>woman miso.

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<v Speaker 5>I was like, what, no way.

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<v Speaker 2>It was nothing like a surgical abortion, and Veto had

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<v Speaker 2>a realization I mean I.

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<v Speaker 3>Can do it cost Yes, I can just buy the

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<v Speaker 3>pills tell the woman how to use them. That was

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<v Speaker 3>like an incredible discovery for me.

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<v Speaker 2>Not long after, a woman came to the last Liveless

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<v Speaker 2>office Medico.

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<v Speaker 3>She told me I'm not a rape victim, but I

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<v Speaker 3>also want to interrupt.

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<v Speaker 2>Interrupt her pregnancy. This woman didn't qualify for legal abortion

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<v Speaker 2>in Mexico because she wasn't a rape survivor. So Veto

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<v Speaker 2>didn't send her to the doctor.

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<v Speaker 6>And I think.

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<v Speaker 5>Victim Ada lession I.

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<v Speaker 3>Said, we don't have to tell anyone if she was

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<v Speaker 3>or wasn't a victim, that it's going to stay here

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<v Speaker 3>between us.

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<v Speaker 2>Veto decided to accompany the woman through the whole process,

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<v Speaker 2>even though it was risky. Where Vero lived, any method

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<v Speaker 2>of ending a pregnancy that wasn't a result of rape

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<v Speaker 2>carried a prison sentence for the woman and anyone who

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<v Speaker 2>helped her. But unlike in Brazil, in Mexico, misa was

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<v Speaker 2>easy to get. Even though you technically needed a prescription,

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<v Speaker 2>you could often get it over the counter. So Veto

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<v Speaker 2>told the woman to just go buy the pills, and

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<v Speaker 2>she did. She got the miso and went home.

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<v Speaker 5>Sando I was always.

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<v Speaker 2>Monitoring her for any complications. Even though Veto had seen

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<v Speaker 2>how the pills work, how easy it was to use them,

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<v Speaker 2>she says it was nerve wracking to support someone through

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<v Speaker 2>an abortion without a doctor.

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<v Speaker 3>Then, so I slept with my cel phone on my

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<v Speaker 3>chest all the time, like in case it rank or something.

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<v Speaker 2>The next day, the woman went to a doctor who

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<v Speaker 2>confirmed her pregnancy had ended without any complications. Veto's first

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<v Speaker 2>time doing accompaniamento had gone smoothly. After that, when someone

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<v Speaker 2>contacted las Levitz for an abortion and they were not

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<v Speaker 2>rape survivors, Las Leivas didn't send her to the kindacologists

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<v Speaker 2>they'd been working with. They handled it themselves.

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<v Speaker 3>We promised ourselves that we were never going to leave

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<v Speaker 3>anyone without access whatever we had to do.

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<v Speaker 2>If a woman couldn't afford to buy miso, which was

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<v Speaker 2>expensive in Mexico, Las Leaves would give her the pills

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<v Speaker 2>for free. If a woman could afford me. So sometimes

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<v Speaker 2>she had left over pills. Veto suggested what to do

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<v Speaker 2>with them.

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<v Speaker 6>Q two.

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<v Speaker 3>I told them the next woman who comes, you are

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<v Speaker 3>going to give her the pills as a gift, and

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<v Speaker 3>you are going to tell her about your experience.

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<v Speaker 2>Veto would set up a meeting between the two women

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<v Speaker 2>in a park or at a mall. The woman who'd

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<v Speaker 2>had an abortion would share her leftover pills and her story. Eventually,

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<v Speaker 2>some women did this even when Vedo hadn't asked so.

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<v Speaker 7>So for Multiply Candon multiplic Cando multiply Candle.

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<v Speaker 3>That was multiplying and multiplying and multiplying.

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<v Speaker 2>By connecting women directly one by one, Las Livides was

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<v Speaker 2>recruiting volunteers and growing the network a person.

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<v Speaker 3>There are people from those beginnings who are still at

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<v Speaker 3>company or even started their own groups.

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<v Speaker 2>Les Livides helped create accompaniment networks that today reached every

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<v Speaker 2>state in Mexico. But over the years some activists criticized

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<v Speaker 2>Veto's approach. For them, real change was changed ing the law.

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<v Speaker 2>Veto remembers one conference where activists told her that what

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<v Speaker 2>she was doing compromised their movement for abortion rights. They

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<v Speaker 2>didn't want to be associated with people like her who

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<v Speaker 2>were breaking the law.

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<v Speaker 3>They said that what we were doing of accompanying the

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<v Speaker 3>women and giving them the bills was risky for us,

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<v Speaker 3>for us and for the whole movement Portos, because if

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<v Speaker 3>they arrest you, it's like they are going to come

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<v Speaker 3>for everyone.

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<v Speaker 2>But Veto believed the system she'd help create was necessary

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<v Speaker 2>and more humane than what the helplines across Latin America offered.

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<v Speaker 2>And she actually didn't care if others were worried that

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<v Speaker 2>her methods might damage legalization efforts.

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<v Speaker 5>Mamselle, if we got.

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<v Speaker 3>Down the legalization route, we'll never finish, or it will

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<v Speaker 3>take a very long time, so we need concrete answers.

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<v Speaker 5>Many activists in the network across Latin America found themselves

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<v Speaker 5>on opposite sides. Some were fighting to legalize abortion. Those

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<v Speaker 5>women were playing the long game, you might say. Others

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<v Speaker 5>were actively breaking the law because women who needed abortions

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<v Speaker 5>immediately couldn't wait until the law changed. But one group

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<v Speaker 5>realized they didn't have to make a choice between the

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<v Speaker 5>two sides. That's after the break A companiaminto with me

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<v Speaker 5>So started in Mexico, but in Argentina women took it

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<v Speaker 5>to the next level. Last fall, I went to a

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<v Speaker 5>feminist gathering called an Inquentro was being held in a

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<v Speaker 5>small Argentine city called San Salvador de Hujui near the

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<v Speaker 5>Andes Mountains. The days of women whispering about me So

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<v Speaker 5>in the hallways those are long gone. I've never seen

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<v Speaker 5>so many women together here. Absolutely more than fifty thousand

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<v Speaker 5>women flooded this town, and there was one woman you

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<v Speaker 5>just couldn't miss. Her name is Ruth Surrichen. At the Encuentros,

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<v Speaker 5>She's usually the person with the megaphone and seemingly endless energy.

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<v Speaker 5>Ruth is one of the founders of the Argentinian Accompaniment

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<v Speaker 5>network so Corista sendriv, which translates to first Responders Network.

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<v Speaker 5>Even traveling doesn't keep her from doing accompaniamento. Ruth told

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<v Speaker 5>me she was going to accompany three women in between

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<v Speaker 5>her packs schedule at the Endquentron, and one of them

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<v Speaker 5>is going to be using Miso proussel tonight at around

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<v Speaker 5>eleven thirty pm, so I'll be there. Bruce took the

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<v Speaker 5>accompaniamento model and scaled it. She started Socaristas and Dread

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<v Speaker 5>in twenty twelve. It's now the biggest abortion accompaniment collective

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<v Speaker 5>in the world. And to make that happen, she and

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<v Speaker 5>the Socaristas decided to build systems, turning the art of

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<v Speaker 5>accompaniamento into a science that started with a simple step,

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<v Speaker 5>not exactly a revolutionary one.

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<v Speaker 7>Yea Mohamunavia we said, let's make a form, yeah, amasumo,

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<v Speaker 7>let's do a little follow up.

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<v Speaker 5>The Socaristas survey was exhaustive, so that's amar.

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<v Speaker 7>We were annoying, really annoying with the women.

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<v Speaker 5>They asked straightforward questions like how many weeks pregnant were you?

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<v Speaker 5>Did you have a successful abortions? You need to tell

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<v Speaker 5>us because this is going to be useful for others.

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<v Speaker 3>He important.

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<v Speaker 5>Other questions were more personal, why did you decide to

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<v Speaker 5>have an abortion? Does your partner know? Are you religious?

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<v Speaker 7>And I think it's because we were conscious that we

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<v Speaker 7>were also producing science prosamba.

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<v Speaker 5>They tracked the data on spreadsheets, carefully documenting trends in

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<v Speaker 5>women's experiences self managing with Miso and the Socaristas quickly

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<v Speaker 5>noticed that a lot of women were finding them in

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<v Speaker 5>pretty unexpected ways.

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<v Speaker 7>Thirty percent had come to us recommended by healthcare professionals,

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<v Speaker 7>and that's when we said, Greta, what's happening, queneson who

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<v Speaker 7>are they?

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<v Speaker 5>Ruth was surprised. In general, doctors in Argentina were not

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<v Speaker 5>on board with abortion, especially when they weren't happening in

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<v Speaker 5>hosts hospitals. So Socoristas wanted to understand why medical staff

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<v Speaker 5>were referring patients to them a group that was working

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<v Speaker 5>outside the medical system and the law, so they used

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<v Speaker 5>gorilla tactics to build relationships with them. They started scheduling

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<v Speaker 5>appointments with these doctors as if they were personal appointments,

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<v Speaker 5>so that they could talk to them in private.

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<v Speaker 7>Marnavin and we started creating a bond with professional medical staff,

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<v Speaker 7>and then we started asking them, what's the problem if

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<v Speaker 7>you write two prescriptions a month for us and nothing right?

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<v Speaker 7>And they write us two or three prescriptions for us

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<v Speaker 7>with different dates, and we'd get male names from friends

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<v Speaker 7>or sons la retas and the prescriptions would be under

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<v Speaker 7>male names.

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<v Speaker 5>Not something socoristas do anymore. And when they did it,

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<v Speaker 5>it was illegal. Many feminists weren't comfortable with Ruth's work.

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<v Speaker 5>She was a little bit too radical for me. This

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<v Speaker 5>is Mariana Romero again, she's the reproductive health researcher you

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<v Speaker 5>heard earlier who thought to legalize abortion in Argentina.

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<v Speaker 6>Radical how well, because they were open about having abortions

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<v Speaker 6>at home and being with women having their abortions at home.

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<v Speaker 5>I was like, what, just like with les levities in Mexico,

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<v Speaker 5>Feminists in Argentina worried that Socoristas would damage their country's

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<v Speaker 5>movement for abortion rights because it would be associated with

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<v Speaker 5>criminal activity, but some of the doctors and nurses Agorista's

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<v Speaker 5>scheduled appointments with were happy to help, even though they

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<v Speaker 5>risked losing their license. I talked to a couple of them,

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<v Speaker 5>and obgin named Gabrila Lucetti said sending patients who needed

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<v Speaker 5>an abortion to the Sokoristas wasn't a hard choice, said demos.

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<v Speaker 3>Do you know what we felt, Olivia, Relief, Ivase.

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<v Speaker 6>Someone was going to do what we didn't dare to

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<v Speaker 6>because we had a license and we were afraid of

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<v Speaker 6>the law.

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<v Speaker 7>Alais.

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<v Speaker 5>A general practitioner named Naria Scharbowski told me she gladly

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<v Speaker 5>signed the prescription every once in a while confience.

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<v Speaker 3>I trusted them and I believed in the practice, but

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<v Speaker 3>also to feel like I was contributing in a tiny way.

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<v Speaker 5>A few years later, research showed that doctors had reason

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<v Speaker 5>to trust the Sokoristas. A study published in an influential

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<v Speaker 5>academic journal called The Lancet Global Health found that abortions

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<v Speaker 5>with the Socoristas support were just as safe and effective

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<v Speaker 5>as those that happened in a clinic, and then in twenty.

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<v Speaker 1>Eighteen, Argentine lawmakers began an historic debate on legalizing abortion.

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<v Speaker 2>More than a thousand, thirty years after feminists in Argentina

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<v Speaker 2>started a movement to legalize abortion, the Argentina and Congress

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<v Speaker 2>considered a law that would make abortion a right. More

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<v Speaker 2>than seven hundred people gave speeches at the Congress, including

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<v Speaker 2>helpline volunteers and the soaparistas. Since socaristas had been accompanying

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<v Speaker 2>women through their abortions, they had specific stories they could share.

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<v Speaker 2>This is a socarista reading the words of women who

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<v Speaker 2>sought the collective's help for modios. But they came from

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<v Speaker 2>different class backgrounds and needed abortions for different reasons. One

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<v Speaker 2>was in college and another had lost your job. Another

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<v Speaker 2>had recently separated from her partner.

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<v Speaker 5>Chicos no Kiromas.

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<v Speaker 2>Sogoristas had all these stories from the survey responses. The

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<v Speaker 2>data they've been tracking for five years. In that time

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<v Speaker 2>did accompanied nearly twenty thousand abortions.

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<v Speaker 5>This data challenged beliefs that Argentinians had Sogaristas showed that

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<v Speaker 5>the women who are most likely to have abortions were

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<v Speaker 5>already mothers, and that many of them were religious.

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<v Speaker 7>Here's Ruth Againita, How did so Gorristas contribute? The one

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<v Speaker 7>thing I considered the most important is that we erased

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<v Speaker 7>the idea of abortion as a clandestine practice. We said,

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<v Speaker 7>people here are having abortions. You can have a safe abortion,

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<v Speaker 7>yes see, and you can do it at home.

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<v Speaker 5>Some of the other feminists who testified in front of Congress,

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<v Speaker 5>like the researcher Mariana Rometo, had been critical of the Socorristas,

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<v Speaker 5>but she and other skeptics came around.

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<v Speaker 6>They were radical. But if they weren't, I don't know

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<v Speaker 6>if things would have happened the way they happened.

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<v Speaker 5>From sharing information about the pills in hallways at feminist

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<v Speaker 5>gatherings to taking abortion out of the closet to building

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<v Speaker 5>a whole support system for women having self managed abortions.

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<v Speaker 5>Feminist efforts decade after decade helped change the law, and

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<v Speaker 5>in twenty twenty one, abortion became legal in Argentina. Now

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<v Speaker 5>any woman can go to a hospital or a community

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<v Speaker 5>clinic and ask for an abortion up to fourteen weeks

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<v Speaker 5>planation needed, and it became common practice for doctors to

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<v Speaker 5>prescribe miso for abortion.

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<v Speaker 2>Argentina was just the beginning the campaign there to legalize abortion,

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<v Speaker 2>which brought together a broad range of feminist groups inspired

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<v Speaker 2>feminists all over Latin America. Argentinians made the green bandana

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<v Speaker 2>the symbol for their movement, and the fight to legalize

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<v Speaker 2>abortion across the region became known as the Green Wave,

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<v Speaker 2>and then within a couple of years, Colombia and Mexico

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<v Speaker 2>decriminalized abortion.

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<v Speaker 3>Mexico's Supreme Court has declared loudly and clearly that access

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<v Speaker 3>to abortion care is a human right.

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<v Speaker 2>This major legal shift made news all over the world.

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<v Speaker 8>In other words, Mexico just got its Row versus Wade today.

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<v Speaker 2>And at the center of this whole movement was a

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<v Speaker 2>tiny pill.

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<v Speaker 7>Mis technology misso brussel is a technological revolution that when

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<v Speaker 7>you put it in the hands of women and those

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<v Speaker 7>who need an abortion, heinera is saut. It generates another revolution.

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<v Speaker 7>It's a cultural, social, political, medical revolution.

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<v Speaker 5>But the news up north sounded very different.

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<v Speaker 8>Thank you for joining us on a day that changed

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<v Speaker 8>America or outside the Supreme Court after the landmark decision

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<v Speaker 8>that overturned Roe versus Weighed and ended a woman's constitutional

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<v Speaker 8>right to an abortion. As you can see behind.

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<v Speaker 5>The same year Columbia decriminalized abortion, the US was moving

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<v Speaker 5>in the opposite direction.

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<v Speaker 3>Are just absolutely terrified, outrage, discussed anger.

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<v Speaker 8>They are experiencing biraling anxiety in some states, like we're

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<v Speaker 8>talking about homicide charges.

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<v Speaker 5>In our final episode, we follow the network to the

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<v Speaker 5>United States. Yeah, we've certainly been called drug dealers. We've

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<v Speaker 5>been called murderers, abortionists, you know, you name it. That's

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<v Speaker 5>next time on the network. All episodes of the network

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<v Speaker 5>are available right now.

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<v Speaker 2>If you want more about the network, like photos from

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<v Speaker 2>Martha's trip to Argentina, go to NPR dot org slash

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<v Speaker 2>Embedded Network. That's NPR dot org slash embedded Network.

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<v Speaker 5>The Network from Embedded is a collaboration with Latino USA,

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<v Speaker 5>a production of Futuro Media.

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<v Speaker 2>This episode was produced by Adelina Lancianese, Ariana Garibli, Nica

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00:33:00.320 --> 00:33:04.760
<v Speaker 2>Moreles Garcia, and Abby Wendel. Rayna Cohen edited the series.

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<v Speaker 5>Fact checking by Cecil Davis Vasquez and Nicolet Kahan. Robert

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<v Speaker 5>Rodriguez mastered the episode.

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<v Speaker 2>Leanna Simpstrom is our supervising senior producer. Katie Simon is

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<v Speaker 2>our supervising senior editor. Ireneagucci is our executive producer, and

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<v Speaker 2>Colin Campbell is the Senior Vice President for Podcasting at MPR.

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<v Speaker 5>The embedded team also includes Luis Treis and Dan Germa.

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<v Speaker 2>From Latino USA. Our executive producers are Merlin Bishop and

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<v Speaker 2>Pennile Raminez, and our production managers are Jessica Ellis and

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<v Speaker 2>Nancy Druchuillo.

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<v Speaker 5>Thanks to our Managing Editor of Standards and Practices, Tony Kevin,

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<v Speaker 5>and to Johannes Durghi and Micah Ratner for legal support

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00:33:48.640 --> 00:33:53.360
<v Speaker 5>and Tommy Evans, MPR's managing editor Editorial Review. Our visuals

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<v Speaker 5>editor is Emily Bogel. Original tail art by Luke Medina, voiceovers.

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<v Speaker 2>By Alejandra Marquez, Hanse Lauas Tobarra, Mariavasquez, Rosamontees, Monica Moreles Garcia,

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<v Speaker 2>Gabriela Simon, se de Jidro and Andrea de Alva Alvarez.

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<v Speaker 5>Special thanks to d red Wine, Susanna Chavez, Alisa Caccpardoel Caino,

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<v Speaker 5>Mabuel Bianco, Julia mcgrenod Spades, Alissa add Warni, Selina Simons

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<v Speaker 5>Steffen and Kiara Eisner.

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<v Speaker 2>Archival footage from Urine News, vessel Agenza Pado and the

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<v Speaker 2>YouTube channel for the National Campaign for Safe, Legal and

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<v Speaker 2>Free Abortions in Argentina and a big thanks to our

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<v Speaker 2>embedded plus supporters.

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<v Speaker 5>I'm Marta Martinez.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Victoria Strada.

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<v Speaker 5>This is embedded from MPR.

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<v Speaker 2>Thanks for listening.

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<v Speaker 5>For Escuta.

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<v Speaker 4>Latino USA is brought to you in part by the

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<v Speaker 4>Levi Strauss Foundation, outfitting movements and leaders fighting for more

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00:34:59.440 --> 00:35:03.239
<v Speaker 4>just and abundant world, with the support from the International

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<v Speaker 4>Women's Media Foundation as part of its Reproductive Health, Rights

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<v Speaker 4>and Justice in the America's initiative, and the v Day

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